In China, his surname is sesame. Received as a distinguished guest when he travels to Beijing, the grandson of Richard Nixon (1968-1974) met Xi Jinping three times with whom he – obviously – discussed his grandfather’s trip in February 1972, this turning point in the Cold War which launched the Sino-American rapprochement. Of the five grandchildren of the Republican president who died in 1994, businessman Chris Nixon, 43, is the one who inherited the passion for geopolitics. At the head of the Nixon Foundation, which maintains the memory of his grandfather, he cultivates international contacts and, on occasion, plays the missi dominici for certain American political leaders.
L’Express: You are one of the few Westerners to have spoken with Xi Jinping. What was your impression?
Chris Nixon : I first met him at the beginning of his first mandate, in 2013, during a conference on the role of the United States in Chinese history. It was at the Great Hall of the People in Tiananmen Square, Beijing. I was there representing the Nixon family and the Nixon Foundation. I gave a speech in the presence of Xi Jinping. I was then introduced to him and, straight away, he told me about my grandfather’s trip in February 1972, the starting point for China’s insertion into the concert of nations.
“For Xi Jinping, Putin is a toxic friend”
Xi had just taken office. I immediately sensed a strong personality, with clear ideas. He knew where he wanted to take his country. Everyone knows that he is a nationalist but he is also a pragmatist. In China, even today, decisions are made on the basis of a consensus within the communist apparatus. Xi is therefore not a dictatorial leader who rules alone and imposes his personal will on all subjects.
What did you talk about?
Of my grandfather and of the future of the world, in particular of the powers of the Pacific (China, the United States but also Japan) which, according to him, would shape, in the 21st century, a more stable geopolitics than in the previous one. Our first discussion took place two years after Barack Obama formulated the concept of a “pivot” to Asia, which appealed to Xi. I saw him again twice, under similar circumstances, also under Obama. We again discussed China-US relations. He told me again that he was eager to preserve the legacy of Richard Nixon. I believe that by meeting me, he wanted to show the elders of the Communist Party and his two “pro-Western” predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, that he cares about the relationship with the United States. All of this was before Trump and before the Russian-Chinese rapprochement, which is more recent.
President Richard Nixon (l) shares a drink with Chinese Premier Chou En Lai, during a historic visit to Beijing in February 1972
afp.com
What does the name Nixon represent in China?
In Leaders – one of his major books, which includes a gallery of portraits of decision-makers including that of his friend de Gaulle – my grandfather said that at the end of his trip to China, he toasted Prime Minister Zhou Enlai and declared: “We have been here for a week and this week has changed history.” The Chinese know this to be true and see the famous 1972 trip as a positive turning point. Not only did China then emancipate itself and move away from the Soviet Union, but it also opened up to capitalism.
From there, hundreds of millions of people were lifted out of poverty. In geopolitical matters, Richard Nixon was brilliant: he had calculated that by detaching China from the USSR he would change the course of history. It was bold of both countries. Unfortunately, after the end of the Cold War, the quality of the Sino-American relationship deteriorated. China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001 and tried to change it from within. All kinds of tensions arose. But the ties forged between Washington and Beijing in February 1972 are an achievement and a foundation for the future.
Fifty years after your grandfather’s “triangulation”, history is repeating itself, but this time against the United States. The partnership signed in February by Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping has everything of a reversal of alliance.
Indeed, things change quickly. But so quickly that they have evolved again since last month! Six weeks ago was the peak of Sino-Russian rapprochement. Xi Jinping was delighted: while developing his economic exchanges with Russia, he was strengthening his position vis-à-vis the Chinese nationalists by presenting them with a united front with Moscow against Washington. Finally, he seemed to manage his relationship with the great northern neighbor, Russia, as well as possible, which has not always been easy in the past. With the war in Ukraine, he may regret having gone so far. Because by associating too much with Russia, China could find itself under the influence of secondary American economic sanctions. In fact, Putin is a toxic friend to Xi.
Was Xi Jinping unaware of Putin’s belligerent project?
He had never imagined an operation of such magnitude. Like everyone else, Xi now realizes that Putin miscalculated his move and that he himself misjudged the situation. He sees that the Western countries are united as never since September 11, 2001. However, if the military situation of the Russians deteriorates in Ukraine, Russia will become an increasingly unstable, ruined neighbor, with potentially a change of leadership. For China, which likes stability, that’s a lot of unknowns. Another irritant: Putin relies on a historical, military and economic alliance with India… which is a traditional rival of Beijing.
“If he were alive, Richard Nixon would launch a diplomatic offensive towards China”
In short, the subjects of concern abound with the approach of the XX Congress of the Communist Party, in the fall. The next six months will therefore be decisive. Xi will have to choose between several options: consolidate his rapprochement with Putin, turn around and reconnect with the United States (in the interest of the Chinese economy), or even take advantage of the moment of confrontation between Russia and the West to withdraw into China, “purify” the country and – why not? – make territorial gains in Taiwan, on the Indian border or in the China Sea.
Today, what would Richard Nixon do?
He was a great pragmatist. He opened the dialogue with Beijing in 1972, but in 1989, during Tiananmen, he did not hesitate to criticize China publicly and behind the scenes. Moreover, in his last book, he recommended caution vis-à-vis China, pointing out that it could quickly become a competitor of the West or a threat. He was the embodiment of realpolitik. Today, he would take the leadership of the Western coalition against Russia. It would support Ukraine massively militarily and establish a “no-fly zone” over the country – which consists of closing the airspace to prevent any Russian missile launch. Some fear that imposing a no-fly zone will drag NATO into a direct confrontation with Russia and that it will therefore be necessary to give in to Putin’s nuclear bluff. But, precisely… it’s a bluff!
Christopher Nixon Cox in 2020
© David McNew/Getty Images/AFP
During the Israeli-Arab Yom Kippur War in 1973, Richard Nixon decided to support Israel against the advice of many Western countries who were already worried about the Russian nuclear threat. What did my grandfather do? He held off the Soviets (who supported the Arab coalition) by raising the nuclear alert level to level 3. He knew that the Russians respect only one thing: force. Today, Nixon would not be intimidated by Putin’s bluff and would give him nothing. Moreover, he would launch a major diplomatic offensive towards China to get closer to Xi Jinping.
Did your grandfather talk to you about geopolitics?
Let’s say instead that he was my tutor and that he encouraged me to take an interest in the world. For example, I was saying something a bit silly about international affairs. And kindly, he said to me: “OK, but in reality, things don’t look exactly like that, I’ll explain…” For my 15th birthday, I was supposed to go on a big trip around the world. with him. We prepared it by watching documentaries. But he died a month after my birthday… Later, I did this route with my parents. Since then, I have tried to be lucid about the progress of the world. And I only believe in realpolitik.