In the middle of the mist, the light of certainty: whatever happens, sooner or later a government will have to be formed. Emmanuel Macron knows this, just as he knows that freezing his choices today would make no sense as the outcome of the July 7 election promises to be unpredictable. The time has come for attempts, for trial balloons, for the freedom offered to everyone, yesterday’s advisors, today’s friends, to reflect and put together plans. To be sure to have the widest possible scope before his eyes, the president solicits, asks for notes and widens his circles. A single instruction, that the ideas put forward exude appeasement and moderation, at a time when the extremes are expanding and consolidating their base.
Does temperance have a name? Or even several – would that be better? To this question, in the president’s entourage, some answer in the affirmative and cite, for the sake of equality, a man from the left and a man from the right. A tandem, almost, that could constitute, to hear them, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Michel Barnier, and the former Prime Minister Bernard Cazeneuve, perfect incarnations of these “republicans of diverse sensibilities who will have known, through their courage, to oppose to the extremes”, mentioned by the Head of State in his “Letter to the French”. “These are figures capable in times of coalition of bringing together people who do not necessarily agree with each other, they say at the Elysée. Figures of authority, known, moderate, capable of bringing together socialists and Republicans.” Have interested parties been surveyed? “Never,” replies Cazeneuve. Which does not prevent Macronist strategists from imagining them sharing Matignon and a sovereign ministry, the Interior or the Armed Forces. Whatever the revolution promised in 2017, when the country is facing such upheaval, tomorrow can well begin yesterday.
A Belgian scenario?
Unless tomorrow comes the time for a less political coalition: that of technicians. In any case, this is the idea defended by those – including the former Minister of Agriculture Julien Denormandie – who believe in the emollient virtues for the country of a “technical” government. Thus, in front of politicians, in front of journalists, those close to the president pretend to question the relevance of the appointment of the governor of the Bank of France François Villeroy de Galhau in Bercy, or even that of the former prosecutor François Molins Inside. And why not the former ambassador Gérard Araud to Foreign Affairs? “Absurdity,” said an observer, a severe friend of the Head of State. “Getting out of the doldrums requires strong decisions, we cannot take them without a majority.”
© / The Express
There remains one last hypothesis that everyone, at the Elysée and nearby, has studied: becoming Belgian… and waiting. More precisely, draw inspiration from the model of day-to-day government – which is nothing other than an interim government – existing in Belgium in the event of dissolution or when the government resigns, and apply it to France . For this, some around the President of the Republic imagine having recourse to “a minimal government” composed of independent personalities, the only ones capable of handling current affairs without being suspected of wanting to take advantage of it to engage in politics. All for one year, an incompressible period before the possibility of a new dissolution opens up. This scenario presents an obvious advantage for Emmanuel Macron: he is assured of maintaining his overhanging position, also deprived of this competition which worries him and of a Prime Minister “horizon 2027”. Ideal ! Unless the future candidates find little interest in these shadow minister positions.
While waiting for the evidence to emerge, Emmanuel Macron repeats, as if to convince himself: “We had to depressurize.” The hour of doubt will also wait until the end of the legislative elections.
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