Citizens march in silence towards the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Myanmar Embassy on July 30. ⓒEPN Cho Nam-jin The call came from Insein prison in Myanmar on the morning of July 22. He said it was possible to visit the death row inmate Ko Jimmy. It was the first time I heard of him since he was arrested on October 23 last year. The family inquired about Jimmy’s whereabouts for eight months. Jimmy’s sister hurried to the prison that afternoon on behalf of her fugitive wife, Neila Tane. Jimmy in a jumpsuit was there. However, it was beyond the Zoom screen, not the iron bars or glass windows. Cho Min-yu, a student leader of the ’88 generation’ who led the Myanmar pro-democracy movement in August 1988, is called ‘Jimmy’ in Myanmar. To his worried family, he left these words: “Everyone has their own karma. Even if it takes a long time, the truth will come out, so I hope my family doesn’t get hurt because of me.” As a Buddhist, he spoke briefly about ‘Dharma’, the truth of the Buddha in the Sutra of Jai (Buddhist sutras). Then he asked her sister to put in her non-thick jumper and mortise. Interview duration was 20 minutes. That conversation was the last. Three days later, on the morning of July 25, the military announced the executions of four members of the Democratic Party, including Jimmy. “They directed, prepared and conspired against acts of brutal and inhumane terrorism (state media Global New Light of Myanmar).” It has been seven months since the Myanmar military court issued a death sentence in January. Had I known that that was the last time, I would not have ended the visit like that. The family, who was heading to prison with Jimmy’s jumper, was devastated by the devastating news. Local media believed that the hangings of four pro-democracy figures were carried out over the weekend. The military did not answer questions from the bereaved families asking when, how, and why the sudden execution was carried out. It was the first execution in Myanmar since the new military coup in 1988. “Jimmy is my husband, colleague, and leader of the Myanmar pro-democracy movement. He is so sad and miserable that words cannot express.” Nila, who heard about her husband’s death through media reports, revealed her feelings in an interview with on August 2nd. She had no time for sorrow. This is because the military refused the request of the bereaved family, saying that they would not hand over the body to the bereaved family. The family is not holding a funeral. “Prisoners also have human rights. The right to visit the family, to receive medicines and supplies from the family, and to seek the assistance of an attorney. All judicial proceedings had to be conducted in accordance with statutes. The military government ignored all these laws and committed murder.” Neila could not mourn her husband’s death until he had personally identified her husband’s body. A human rights activist who took part in the 1988 uprising, he is currently taking refuge in Myanmar to escape military surveillance. The anti-coup protests in Myanmar in 2021 were the third political upheaval the couple experienced. The ‘8888 uprising’ refers to a large-scale protest against the Ne Win dictatorship led by university students on August 8, 1988. The two met for the first time on the streets of Yangon, where protests were in full swing. “I was impressed with his powerful speech next to Aung San Suu Kyi. He was a pacifist who settled the situation calmly and optimistically no matter what happened. But he never wavered when he pursued the values he believed in.” Whenever Myanmar’s democracy was in jeopardy, Jimmy gathered people to organize protests, and each time he became the first political prisoner to be repressed. His life in prison for a total of 21 years, from the 1988 uprising to 2004, and the ‘Saffron Revolution’ led by the monks in 2007 until 2012, shows his difficult political life. Meanwhile, he wrote poetry and novels, and translated books censored by the Myanmar military into Burmese such as The Da Vinci Code and Angels and Demons. In interviews during his lifetime, Jimmy used to call his prison ‘second home’. Cho Min-yu (right) who led the uprising for democracy in Myanmar. He was reported to have been executed on July 25. ⓒAP Photo 21 years of imprisonment, a difficult political life, repeated imprisonment and release, the same was true of Mr. Neila. In 2012, when the transition to democracy in Myanmar was just beginning, the family reunited only after a large-scale amnesty of political prisoners was granted. My daughter, Pune Chi Minh Yu, who was born in 2007, was five years old. Jimmy called her daughter ‘Sunshine’. In the future for her daughter to live, she longed to see a free Myanmar. However, two years ago, the military denies the results of the general election and launched a coup d’état, rewinding history to 30 years ago. The anti-coup protests in Myanmar in 2021 became the last fight witnessed by Jimmy, a lifelong pro-democracy activist. On February 9, 2021, in Naypyidaw, Mya Twe Twekin was shot and killed by a police officer. Jimmy blamed himself for the fact that the first death since the coup was a 19-year-old girl. “I have lived enough of my life. Frustrated by the reality that a new generation suffers from military rule. We have to get the job done as an older generation.” Jimmy’s words from Neila. He also said that he should remain in Myanmar rather than flee to a third country. As determined by his determination, Jimmy organized protests in Yangon, the largest city, until his arrest. Neila thought, ‘Isn’t this what happened to him because he was a strong man?’ The situation was similar for the survivors of other death row inmates. He was first contacted by the prison on July 22, and returned to the prison on July 25 to deliver what they had requested, including a magnifying glass and an English dictionary (Pyo Jayato), toothpaste and toothbrush, and shoes (Aung Tura Jo). He had heard the devastating news from the guards that “he’s no longer here”, and that his body was not returned to the funeral service. Hla Myo Aung, one of those executed, was executed without visiting his family. Tajin Nyut Aung, who took part in last year’s anti-coup protests in Myanmar. © Courtesy of Tajin Tajin Nütt Aung thought of only one thing after her husband’s sudden death. “The truth about the unjust murders, their vileness, the destruction of corpses and their abandonment must all be brought to light. Other than that, I have no feelings or thoughts.” The wife of Pyo Xayato, who was executed by the military, had been suffering from a high fever for several days. Pyo Zeya Toh was an aide to State Advisor Aung San Suu Kyi and a member of the National League for Democracy (NLD) for eight years from 2012 to 2012. In May, a military court sentenced Pyo Jayato to death for violating the Anti-Terrorism Act. He was executed when less than three months had passed since then. Born in 1981, Pyo Jaya Toh had a rare history in Myanmar’s politics. He comes from a hip-hop singer who pioneered the genre of Myanmar hip-hop in the 2000s. The lyrics of the song of his group ‘Acid’ contain a message from the rebels. A journalist from Myanmar, born in 1992, said that Pyo Jaya To’s music had a great influence on the younger generation of Myanmar. “Everyone was shocked by this incident, as most people born in Myanmar in the 1990s were fans of Acid. His rap contained the message of the younger generation oppressed by society. Their music gave me the energy to nurture my dreams and fight reality.” It was after the Saffron Revolution in 2007 that Pyo Jayato started his political activities in earnest. He founded ‘Generation Wave’, an organization made up of anti-government hip-hop singers and youth activists. He was then imprisoned for three years, starting in 2008, for organizing an ‘illegal group’. Most of the crimes that have resulted in the death penalty for prominent democratic figures are: Organized multiple guerrilla attacks against the military, possessed weapons such as guns and grenades, held Zoom meetings with the NLD and the Democratic Provisional Government of the United Nations (NUG) and raised money for “terrorist activities” etc. The Myanmar military even accused Jimmy of threatening “public safety” with social media posts criticizing the Myanmar military. Military Administration Spokesperson Jo Min Thun said at a briefing on July 26: “The death penalty was executed in the name of justice for the people. They are not pro-democracy activists, they are punishable killers.” Nila refutes the military’s claim that it is an ‘act of terrorism’. “It is none other than the military force that commits brutal and heinous crimes against its own people by any means and means. They murder young people under the age of 18, return mutilated bodies to their families, and set villages on fire. There is no human-to-human minimum dignity or compassion. Haven’t all the countries of the world watched? The people had to have the right to defend themselves against military threats. That’s why the four figures (executed) don’t fit the word ‘terror’.” As Mr. Neila argued, the international community raised their voices of condemnation against the Myanmar military at once. Has Myanmar become a country that is no longer subject to international sanctions? It is widely analyzed that the unannounced execution of political crimes was an attempt to instill fear in those who oppose the military. Among them, democratization figures with high public support must have been a thorn in the eyes of the military. Myanmar’s independent journalist Kaung (pseudonym), who requested anonymity, sees the execution as the military’s ‘next step’. “It started with shooting at peaceful protesters. But the people were not afraid to face it. As the armed struggle of the Civil Defense Forces broke out amidst the indifference of the international community, this time they began to use a devastating strategy. Nevertheless, the citizens did not give up and the revolution is still going on. By executing political prisoners, the military took the next step in repressing citizens.” There is even greater confusion and unrest on the streets of Myanmar. As news of the execution came to light, guerrillas attacked the military forces in Yangon. At Insein Prison, prisoners began a hunger strike against the military from August 2nd. The most worrisome is that the military may carry out additional executions. “The military killed Myanmar citizens after the coup. But he always denied it. Now they have come to publicly kill. It is not only the bereaved families who are trembling with anxiety, but the people of the whole country.” Tajin said. After the coup, 115 pro-democracy activists were sentenced to death in a closed military court without witnesses or lawyers, according to the Association for Supporting Political Prisoners (AAPP) in Myanmar. Among them are minors and college students. Citizens place roses in front of a portrait of a Myanmar pro-democracy activist who was executed on July 30. ⓒ EPN Cho Nam-jin Preventing another execution First of all, Mr. Tajin recalled a conversation he had with his husband. “Even if one is lost, the remaining one will continue to fight. So this revolution will continue to the end.” After the coup broke out, the couple continued to escape from the arrest order issued to Pyo Jeya To in May of last year until November when they were arrested. Tajin, who is also a hip-hop musician, added that it is still too early to pay tribute or condolences to him. Preventing another execution had to be a priority. “Because Korea is a country that has experienced the bitter experience of the military dictatorship like us, I can relate to it more than anyone else. I ask that the international community come forward and stop the death penalty for political prisoners so that more blood is not shed.” On July 30th, in front of the Myanmar Embassy in Seongdong-gu, Seoul, red roses, symbolizing Myanmar’s democracy, were piled up. At a Korean civil society meeting that supports Myanmar’s democracy, photos of Koh Jimi, Pyo Jeya To, Aung Tura Jo, and Hla Myo Aung and civilians killed in the Myanmar protests were hung there. Hundreds of black-clad Myanmarese shouted with three fingers raised. “The military should release political prisoners immediately. Our revolution must succeed.” 36℃ The scorching heat of the scorching heat was over, and all of a sudden, thick raindrops fell on the red rose. After the uprising in 1988, many Myanmar pro-democracy activists left Myanmar and fled to third countries. There is also Korea. Since his release in 2012, Jimmy has visited Korea several times to meet fellow grassroots movements in Korea. In an interview with the Kyunghyang Shinmun on February 17, 2016, he said: “Myanmar has now built a single ship to cross the sea. We are trying to build a relationship of trust between the government and the people.” It was after the NLD won a majority of seats in the 2016 general election. Five years later, Myanmar’s democracy plunged into a turbulence. Since the Myanmar coup, 2148 people have been killed by the military and 11,873 have been detained (AAPP, as of 3 August). Despite his despair, Neila said, “I’m proud of Jimmy’s life as a pro-democracy activist.” “I have been fighting for democracy in Myanmar since 1988. We will continue to fight until the military dictatorship is over. Sadness and anger fills me up, but it’s not just my family. Because the whole nation is suffering from the crimes of the military.” As Jimmy often said, the word that he will do what he has to do now appeared frequently in Nilla’s interview.
ssn-general
