Two years after the coup attempt, the Republican Party is still a hostage of Donald Trump, writes ‘s US correspondent Iida Tikka.
WASHINGTON
Friday night’s vote for the speaker of the US House of Representatives was full of wild moments that burned into the retinas of Americans watching the circus.
by Kevin McCarthy expression when the Republican leader lost the 14th vote. A Republican representative lunging angrily at a Florida representative Matt Gaetzwhen he theatrically voted “on the spot” and McCarthy’s victory was one vote away.
However, the photographer recorded the most descriptive situation Chip Somodevilla to the memory card. Between votes Marjorie Taylor-Greene, one of the representatives who supported McCarthy, handed his phone to another member of the bloc. On the smartphone screen, an ongoing call stands out, and its recipient: “DT”, ie Donald Trump.
Exactly two years earlier, the House of Representatives had similarly gathered late at night to finalize the vote. The coup attempt orchestrated by Trump had failed, and Congress confirmed the result of the presidential election.
Nevertheless, Trump was still present in this vote as well. And thanks to McCarthy’s bending, the Republican Party is once again in the grip of the former president.
As a result, McCarthy is becoming one of the weakest, possibly also the most stressed speakers in the history of the House of Representatives.
The price is heavy not only for McCarthy, but also for the United States: at worst, the consequences of the House of Representatives’ concessions in the presidential election will once again erode the power tripartite in the slipping democracy of the United States.
Week-long recurring ones during the voting, a rebel group of 20 delegates broke out from within the Republican Party and presented Kevin McCarthy with a series of demands in exchange for their votes.
Ignoring Trump’s calls, the rebel bloc voted against McCarthy until it got its way. The demands represented classic Trumpism.
The far-right Republicans wanted, among other things, the opportunity to organize a vote of no confidence against the speaker on the initiative of one representative. So going forward, McCarthy must walk a very tightrope without angering anyone in the House of Representatives—or at Mar-a-Lago—or the same circus will start all over again. A bit like during Trump’s presidency, when one minister and one assistant after another got fired.
The rebels also wanted more power over how and which laws would end up in the House of Representatives’ votes, and they got McCarthy to bend to this concession as well. McCarthy also promised radical representatives important committee seats.
In addition, McCarthy agreed to the group’s demands related to passing the state budget and raising the debt ceiling. The proposals are meant to increase attention to the use of state funds, but in a radicalized Congress, they mainly raise concerns about what kind of budget impasse can be created in the next two years.
Power is concentrated, and for compromises there is less space. Moreover, the functioning of the entire state is at risk, because of one bureaucratic-sounding consent.
McCarthy relented on Friday, agreeing to reinstate the so-called Holman rule. According to the rule, the House of Representatives can demand the dismissal of certain government employees or cut their salaries.
Normally, Congress only has the right to cut the budget of certain agencies, not to decide how the agency spends its money. In the future, therefore, the House of Representatives can politicize the operation of state agencies if it so wishes.
If, for example, radical Republicans don’t want the FBI to investigate the far right or the environmental authorities to investigate large-scale toxic chemical deposits, it is theoretically possible that they can carry out targeted strikes against certain units of the agencies.
Legislative power rests with Congress, which is gridlocked thanks to extreme Republicans. The supreme court has the power to interpret the law, which is already politicized. The executive power of the law rests with the official apparatus, which will have to hold its breath from now on.
Democrats watched the internal turmoil of the Republicans and McCarthy’s repeated defeats on the floor of the House of Representatives with somewhat of a loss of joy.
After several electoral losses, it is clear that Trump’s line does not have the support of the majority in the United States. Still, even this time, Trump has the last laugh.