Olivier Galland: “The students who demonstrate belong to a certain elite”

Olivier Galland The students who demonstrate belong to a certain

“Neither Macron nor Le Pen”. Thursday, April 14 was marked by blockages and demonstrations in several higher education establishments or universities in France. In particular in Paris, where students from Sciences Po blocked the entrance to rue Saint Guillaume all day. A rally was also organized in front of the premises of Paris-I-Panthéon-Sorbonne in support of the “comrades” who had occupied the university since the day before.

Sociologist Olivier Galland, author of a very recent book, 20 years old, the beautiful age? X-ray of French youth today (ed. Nathan), based on an extensive Harris Interactive survey for the Montaigne Institute, deciphers this movement for L’Express.

L’Express: The media talk a lot about the “student mobilization” in progress. Is this movement representative of today’s youth?

Olivier Galland: I do not believe. Beware of the magnifying effect! Instead of using the term “student revolt”, it would be more accurate to speak of “revolt of some of the students”. In my opinion, this is a very politicized minority, even probably quite radicalized, rather tempted by the Mélenchon vote in the first round of this presidential election. The modes of protest implemented today, which sometimes go so far as to block the universities, can have a deceptive effect. We are talking about 300 to 400 students present yesterday at the Sorbonne, which is a small number. So we have to be careful not to generalize. This movement is far from representing youth as a whole. I think, on the contrary, that the majority of students are quite largely depoliticized and relatively uninterested in these issues.

What is the profile of these young people who participate in these blockades and these demonstrations?

It is funny to note that this active minority rather belongs to a certain university elite such as the Ecole Normale Supérieure, Sciences Po or the Sorbonne. These demonstrators seem to come from fairly privileged backgrounds, little concerned with the problems of precariousness. They do not correspond to the category of real “rebellious” identified as such in our survey carried out for the Montaigne Institute (the other categories being the “protesting democrats”, the “disengaged” and the “transgressive integrated”, Editor’s note). Those whom I identify in my book as “rebellious” are rather young people with a level of education below the baccalaureate, from working-class backgrounds, a little older since they have often already entered working life and have financial and professionals. They appear quite tolerant of a certain form of political violence. But they have little to do with students blocking universities right now.

Couldn’t some of these demonstrators belong to the category of “protesting democrats” that you talk about in your book?

This group of “protesting democrats” is the largest since it represents 39% of all young people. They are characterized by a certain sensitivity to societal issues such as those relating to the environment or gender, for example. They also have a protest side in the sense that they do not hesitate to demonstrate and express themselves en masse on social networks. But, on the whole, they still remain attached to democracy and repudiate all forms of political violence. In this, they do not quite correspond either to the students that we see demonstrating in front of the Sorbonne or Sciences Po. Moreover, overall, these students do not correspond completely to any of the categories that we have isolated in our survey.

Many of the latter chorus the slogan “neither Macron nor Le Pen”. How do you analyze it?

This is a point that I find quite disturbing. These young people feel that their election has been stolen from them. They thus seem to forget one of the basic principles of democracy: voters who voted for candidates who find themselves in the minority at the end of the ballot must recognize the result despite everything. They must accept that the candidate or the party which obtained the majority governs for a fixed period. Not acknowledging it is a problem for me.

Doesn’t sending the finalist candidates LREM and RN back to back reinforce this increasingly widespread idea – especially among young people – that all politicians are equal?

These speeches are part of a general trend of very strong discrediting of politics. To the question, “Do you think politicians are corrupt?” asked in our survey, 69% of young people answered yes. What also often emerges from discussions with them is their great demand for rapid change on the subjects that mobilize them, such as the environment for example. But in our increasingly interdependent and complicated world, change is bound to be slow. On the climate, we are led to participate in conventions, to make compromises at European and global level. All of this takes time. However, there is a gap between what it is possible to lead today politically and the demands of young people.

A good part of the youth voted Jean-Luc Mélenchon in the first round. This candidate is also very popular with the students who demonstrate. What types of profiles does it appeal to?

Among young people, two very distinct streams emerge. On the one hand, indeed, these students who are more qualified and come from families with high cultural capital. Note that Jean-Luc Mélenchon scored very high in many major university capitals such as Montpellier, Rennes, Nantes or Strasbourg. But we also note that the candidate of La France insoumise also scored very high in departments such as Seine-Saint-Denis and finds an important echo among young people of foreign origin.

What emerges from our survey is that some of them are at odds with French society. A large majority of these young people, especially of the Muslim faith, even think that France is a structurally racist society. This is why the situation with the police, which they consider to be the armed wing of this racist society, is particularly tense. Of course, we must not generalize, but we cannot deny the existence of this phenomenon. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who condemns what he calls “Islamophobia”, wins the support of part of this youth.

How do you think these young people, who opted for Mélenchon, will behave in the second round?

The first category can be tempted by abstention. This is what some of these students who chant “neither Macron nor Le Pen” in the demonstrations may imply. Some hate Emmanuel Macron so much that it seems difficult, if not impossible, to vote for him. It remains to be seen how this will ultimately translate to the polls. On the other hand, the idea of ​​seeing Marine Le Pen come to power strongly repels young people of foreign origin, and of the Muslim faith, of whom I spoke just before. Abstaining, or even giving your vote to a candidate who represents the quintessence of racism, is obviously not an option for the vast majority of them.

According to an Ifop poll, the abstention rate of 18-24 year olds is 41% (compared to 26% in the general population). A final proof of their growing disinterest in politics?

This substantial figure does not really surprise me. In our survey, carried out by the Harris Interactive Institute, 34% of individuals in this age group believe that voting is not very useful. And 55% of them say they do not feel close to any political party. So many signs that support the thesis of the political disaffiliation of a large part of young people. Unfortunately, it is to be feared that they will not mobilize more in the second round and that the abstention rate will increase further.


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