At Matignon, in place of Michel Barnier, there could have been… Gérard Larcher. The name of the President of the Senate is like a bell that is rung in the ears of the French at regular intervals when Emmanuel Macron seems to be in a deadlock – which, lately, has been happening often. But on Monday, September 2, the “Larcher rumor” came close to becoming an official announcement. At the end of a day tormented by Thierry Beaudet, approached for Matignon and then dismissed, Emmanuel Macron spoke with Gérard Larcher. The leader of the senators, a man of the right, a local elected official, as shrewd as he is responsible, appears to be the perfect antithesis of Beaudet, who came from the left, civil society and the Cese. Excellent, on the way to Matignon! With the President of the Republic, the morning truth never meets the evening truth. And what is difficult to conceive is clearly stated; So here he is, distinctly offering the position to the senator. Refusal from the sly Larcher, immediate counter-proposal from the head of state: let’s try Xavier Bertrand.
But, after several days of consultation, several meetings with the right, Emmanuel Macron would like not to have to sound out the parliamentary groups for the umpteenth time. You don’t choose to make a president to take on the tasks of a party leader. Would the eminent senator take charge of it? “It’s not up to me to do it, it’s up to you, Mr. President.” Gérard Larcher is willing to participate in the installation of his political family at the top of the State on condition that the maneuver is not too conspicuous. So it is the head of state who, on Tuesday, September 3, sounded out Laurent Wauquiez and Bruno Retailleau early in the morning during a videoconference. The trio set out their two conditions for the appointment of a right-wing Prime Minister: the assurance of his non-censorship and the respect of certain proposals contained in the legislative pact presented by the two group presidents. At 10 a.m., the matter seems to be settled.
At 11:30, Laurent Wauquiez, who four days earlier had told an LR MP: “Don’t kid yourself, we have zero power over the appointment of a Prime Minister”, seemed less pessimistic. Or optimistic, it is hard to tell. He reported to his troops on his exchange with the Head of State. The audience welcomed the Bertrand hypothesis. The right-wing electorate feared the advent of a left-wing Prime Minister, how could the appointment of an LR Prime Minister be blocked? The hypothesis was a miracle, after the failure of the legislative elections. Only two elected officials expressed reservations.
Laurent Wauquiez, for his part, does not hide his degraded relationship with Xavier Bertrand, but he pretends to take a step back. He speaks to his peers of a “mandate pact”, while remaining evasive about LR’s participation in the government. We pinch ourselves. Here is the ex-minister, a resolute opponent of any government coalition, ready to put a toe in the bath of power. His flexibility? A subtle mix of skill and constraint. Laurent Wauquiez does not in reality see a great future for the next executive. He must also deal with a heterogeneous group, with individuals sometimes sensitive to a return to business. Phone calls are also starting to be made to establish the accounts of the LR elected officials ready to join the government.
The Missing Phone Call
Sometimes, history stumbles over a detail. And when it comes to political history, this detail often takes the form of annoyance. Would the Michel Barnier saga at Matignon have seen the light of day if, on Tuesday, September 3, Xavier Bertrand had not forgotten a name on the list of his telephone appointments for the day? At lunchtime, Laurent Wauquiez struggles to hide his astonishment. No sign of Bertrand, did the latter understand that he was going to have to find a majority in the National Assembly and that he could not do it without the help of the strongman of the right? The ambitious former president of the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region puts his pride aside and decides to call the candidate at Matignon himself.
I had to call him myself and he gave me the cold shoulder
The exchange is brief, barely five minutes. Bertrand assures him that he has a guarantee that he will not be censored. Bluff? The MP has a hard time believing this scenario that is too easy and demands details. “I will not be censored,” repeats the almost Prime Minister in a tone that Wauquiez does not appreciate. Once the conversation is over, the latter confides to his close friends that he found his interlocutor arrogant, too sure of himself. Early in the evening, Bruno Retailleau calls Laurent Wauquiez. And tells him: after missing several calls from Xavier Bertrand, he was finally able to speak with him at 6 p.m. for an hour and found him conciliatory, serious, defending the return of minimum sentences or pension reform. The risk of censorship? “Don’t worry, I’ll take care of it,” he reassures the senator from Vendée.
Laurent Wauquiez, upon discovering this story, could not believe it. To Bruno Retailleau, he admitted, in essence: “I had to call him myself and he gave me the cold shoulder.” Witnessing the rise to Matignon of his rival Xavier Bertrand was not easy for the former leader of the Republicans. But seeing himself thus beaten to the post by a man who did not show him the slightest consideration became frankly unbearable. In addition, he doubted Bertrand’s uncensorability as the RN and the left were unleashed against the boss of Hauts-de-France. And he did not intend to let himself and his parliamentary group be tarnished by the failure of a Prime Minister from the ranks of the right. The Elysée must be warned and a counter-proposal formulated.
Wauquiez’s appeal to Kohler
On Wednesday, September 4, Laurent Wauquiez telephoned the Secretary General of the Elysée, with whom he got on well. In the latter’s eyes, only the general interest counted. Alexis Kohler clearly saw the risks for the State and the country caused by the immediate censure of a new Prime Minister. He wanted to put an end to the disorder, so he listened carefully to the warning from the leader of the LR deputies who assured him: “Bertrand, that won’t pass.” An observation that did not upset the person who made it. “Certainly, but I don’t see what other solution would pass,” retorted the Secretary General.
Is it during their conversation that the name of Michel Barnier resurfaces, whose lack – a priori – of presidential ambition does not displease Wauquiez? Nor Emmanuel Macron, who rants against these Prime Ministers who owe him everything and unfairly eye his soon-to-be-vacant position. Yes, the Barnier option deserves to be looked at closely. Which the Elysée will do. Exchanges between the new cast and Alexis Kohler are taking place. To an LR executive, Michel Barnier praises in the middle of the week his method of self-promotion, more discreet than Xavier Bertrand’s media campaign and concludes: “Wouldn’t it be better if it were me?” Already, a few weeks ago, he took as a reference the government of Raymond Barre composed of experienced personalities from a new generation.
On Wednesday evening, before hosting Michel Barnier for dinner, Emmanuel Macron questions Gérard Larcher about the former European Commissioner. “It doesn’t fly” with Bertrand, he tells him. Banco. The farce ends on Thursday, September 5, with the announcement of Michel Barnier’s appointment to Matignon. The new Prime Minister makes no mistake. To one of his friends, he confides: “Laurent Wauquiez helped us in the final stretch.” Perhaps the former minister will receive a word of thanks from his “friend” Eric Ciotti. In the spring, the Niçois was happily considering a series of LR personalities for Matignon as part of a coalition with Emmanuel Macron. Among them… Michel Barnier.