Germany: the Bundeswehr, a dying army trying to rebuild itself

Germany the Bundeswehr a dying army trying to rebuild itself

Two toilets for only 90 soldiers at the Klotzberg barracks in Idar-Oberstein in Rhineland-Palatinate. No hot water, or even drinking water in some buildings of that of Husum, in Schleswig-Holstein. The parliamentary commissioner for the armed forces, Eva Högl, revealed in her report last March the deplorable state of the Bundeswehr, the German army, mired in bureaucracy and, above all, very poorly equipped.

Less than 30% of its warships are “fully operational”. On paper, its ground forces have 350 Puma tracked armored vehicles, but only 150 can be engaged in combat. 6 out of 10 helicopters are grounded, like many of its fighter planes. Finally, its ammunition reserves would not allow it to last more than a few days in the event of a conflict.

“The forces I lead are more or less naked,” admitted the head of the army, General Alfons Mais, on February 24, even as Russian tanks crossed the Ukrainian border. Stunned, Germany discovers how much it misunderstood Vladimir Putin and makes this cruel observation: at the time when the war is returning to Europe, the first economic power of the Old Continent is not capable of defending its territory. .

For the population, part of which is openly Russophile, the shock is violent. Gone are the illusions of perpetual peace. As the din of war draws nearer, mentalities change very quickly. In a poll conducted in July by the group PwC, 2 out of 3 Germans advocate an increase in defense spending (they were only 19% on this line nine years ago). “They are afraid and are once again interested in geostrategic and military questions, after decades of indifference”, confirms André Uzulis, editor-in-chief of Loyal, German Defense Review.

“A change of times”

German soldiers from the UN Mission in Mali (Minusma) search for improvised explosive devices between Gao and Gossi, August 3, 2018

German soldiers from the UN Mission in Mali (Minusma) search for improvised explosive devices between Gao and Gossi, August 3, 2018

afp.com/SEYLLOU

Olaf Scholz understood this well. Three days after the start of the conflict, the Social Democratic Chancellor announced a “change of era” and took a historic step: the creation of a special fund, over five years, of 100 billion euros. Ambitious, the German leader promises that his country will soon have the “largest conventional army in Europe”. Its budget, he adds, will climb to “70 or 80 billion euros per year”, more than that of the French army (56 billion in 2021).

During a remarked speech on August 29 in Prague, where he delivered his strategic vision for Europe – an exercise always dodged by Angela Merkel -, Olaf Scholz also promised that his country would assume a “particular responsibility” in delivery of arms to Ukraine and pleaded for a strengthening of European military coordination. He also announced “substantial” investments in an anti-aircraft system, calling on other mainland partners to join the program.

An army built to resist a Soviet invasion

A way of reconnecting with a time when the Bundeswehr, far from being moribund, seemed solid. Founded in 1955, it was designed to resist a Soviet army poised to swoop west from communist East Germany. Before the fall of the Wall, it had one of the best equipped armies in Europe: 7,000 tanks, 1,000 fighter planes and 500,000 soldiers – complementary to the American troops stationed in the country (300,000 in the 1980s ). “Its role was to ensure the conventional part of a deterrent based on the nuclear umbrella of the United States through NATO”, recalls the military historian Wilfried von Bredow.

The end of the cold war left it without threats on its borders. The Bundeswehr has therefore adapted: downsizing, new modes of intervention, such as sending contingents of soldiers abroad (ex-Yugoslavia, Africa), according to mandates validated by Parliament (Bundestag) , which has a real power of control. And imposes constraints: “In Afghanistan, they only had the right to defend themselves, unlike the Americans, the British or the French, who could pursue their attackers”, illustrates Wilfried von Bredow.

A German NATO soldier stands guard in Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan, April 26, 2016.

A German NATO soldier stands guard in Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan, April 26, 2016.

afp.com/WAKIL KOHSAR

The reason ? The revulsion of the Germans, traumatized by the crimes of the Nazi regime, towards any rise in military power. The Bundeswehr is, moreover, framed by numerous safeguards. Its soldiers are made aware of a concept specific to their army, that of “inner leadership” (Inner Führung). “Citizens in uniform, they must be able to question an order derogating from the Constitution”, explains Claudia Major, director of research at the German Institute for International Affairs and Security.

This cultural approach leaves doubts on the other side of the Rhine. “They don’t have the same philosophy. We engage in operations, we fight, we go!” notes a senior French officer, who also has a little trouble with the very administrative vision of his counterparts, who speak of “working hours and staff representatives”, a mentality which has not yet fully won over La Grande Muette…

In fact, the duty of reserve is less restrictive in Germany, where there is an Association of the Bundeswehr, whose representatives are elected from among the troops. “She can be critical, but it’s in a constructive spirit”, nuance Wilfried von Bredow – this body thus played an important role in the opening of the Bundeswehr to women in 2001.

Shortage of staff

Nevertheless, the obsession with checks and balances and control seizes the military machine. “The supply authority, based in Koblenz, centralizes all purchases, from socks to frigates. It’s a monster of bureaucracy, with 10,000 civil servants, and everything takes forever”, regrets specialist André Uzulis . While the decision was made in 2017, the Bundeswehr has still not received the new assault rifles supposed to equip its soldiers. It is the same for the helmets of its paratroopers or the skis of the alpine hunters.

Such conditions will not help to solve the difficulties of recruiting an army which has barely 180,000 soldiers today. “21,500 officer and non-commissioned officer positions are to be filled”, points out André Uzulis. Determined to remedy this, the German general staff released its first promotional clip in early August. We see a young mother in uniform, fighter planes, a frigate and soldiers in exercise, with the slogan “We protect Germany”. Not sure that’s enough to trigger vocations…

In the immediate future, the priority goes to the equipment. The government has already announced the purchase of 60 Chinook transport helicopters from Boeing, and 35 F-35 fighters (145 million euros each) from Lockheed Martin to replace its fleet of old Tornado and maintain a capacity of US nuclear weapons. This primacy of equipment from the United States has made France cringe, where we would have liked to sell a few Rafales… The German Defense Minister, Christine Lambrecht, however indicated that the combat air system of the future (Scaf), a German-French-Spanish project which includes the successor to the Rafale, will also benefit from the 100 billion euro fund.

This revaluation of the military tool, however, leaves two questions unanswered. Will it be permanent? The special fund must stop in 2026. Without it, unless a large budget increase is announced, Germany will not be able to fulfill its commitment to NATO to devote the equivalent of 2% of its GDP to financing its defence. Then, one can wonder if doubts about the usefulness of the Bundeswehr will not end up taking over. “For the revolution initiated to be a success, Berlin will have to integrate, and not only under the effect of the war, that military force plays an essential role in international relations”, insists Claudia Major. A profound change of mentality, which billions of euros will not be enough to stimulate.


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