Xi Jinping rolled out the red carpet for Emmanuel Macron for three days, even going so far as to invite him to a tea ceremony, without a tie, facing a lake surrounded by tropical vegetation, in the residence of the governor of Guangdong province. , in Canton, a place where the father of the current Chinese leader lived when he held this position from 1978 to 1981. “I am very happy that we share many of the same or similar points of view on Sino-French issues, Sino-European, international and regional,” Xi Jinping told his guest. Rarely, too, has the official press been so flattering for a Western head of state.
It was certainly useful to renew ties with the second largest economy in the world after three years of the Covid-19 epidemic which had led the Asian giant to cut itself off from the world. With his usual voluntarism, Emmanuel Macron, who relied on his long hours of discussion with his counterpart, had made the trip to China in the hope of moving Chinese positions on the war in Ukraine. The objective was to convince him not to “switch to the war camp”, by delivering arms to Russia, his advisers had explained. The Elysée also wanted to send messages to China, so that it could contribute to a solution in the event that a space for negotiation would open up one day. The future will tell if this trip will have made things easier.
European unity undermined
For now, Emmanuel Macron has returned empty-handed from his trip. The French leader has not obtained any concrete commitment from his counterpart, who has still not condemned the Russian invasion. Xi Jinping, on the other hand, reaffirmed that, in this war, all parties have “reasonable security concerns”. This inflexibility was predictable: Xi traveled to Moscow last month to consolidate his ties with his “friend” Vladimir Putin and clearly show himself in the anti-Western camp. There was no reason for him to change his strategic line overnight, despite Emmanuel Macron’s charm offensive.
Nor did European unity emerge strengthened from this visit, on the contrary. This was, however, the objective of Emmanuel Macron, by inviting Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, to accompany him for part of the trip. The whole point, for this strategy to be effective, was to show consistency in the discourse. But it is above all the difference in tone between the two European leaders that the Chinese have noted. Emmanuel Macron, who wants to distance himself from the approach deemed “confrontational” by the United States, appeared much more conciliatory than Ursula von der Leyen. She had delivered an uncompromising speech before her departure, denouncing the “very deliberate hardening of China’s global strategic position” and continued to raise her voice once on Chinese soil. If Beijing supplied arms to Moscow, “it would considerably damage the relationship between the European Union and China”, she insisted. Emmanuel Macron preferred to welcome the 12-point peace plan presented by China – rejected by Ukraine and most Western countries – and call on Beijing to play a mediating role in this conflict. While refusing the “gear of growing tensions” between China and the West.
Another notable point of divergence, while the President of the Commission had insisted on the need for “risk reduction” vis-à-vis Beijing, Emmanuel Macron, who was accompanied by around fifty business leaders, did not not take up this idea. And seemed mostly concerned about consolidating economic ties with Beijing.
The Chinese regime, which likes to cultivate bilateral relations with European countries in order to exert greater influence over them, has not failed to exploit these differences and make its preference clear. Emmanuel Macron was received with all the pomp of a state visit, unlike Ursula von der Leyen, who, not being the head of a country, was the subject of a much more summary protocol and was not invited to the most private stages of the program.
For Xi Jinping, who seeks to prevent Europe from anchoring itself on American positions vis-à-vis Beijing, Macron’s mantra on Europe’s “strategic autonomy” in the face of China is a godsend . “Xi Jinping sees Macron as an ally in his efforts to drive a wedge between the EU and the United States, and to oppose those in Europe who advocate a harder line vis-à-vis Beijing” , notes Noah Barkin, an analyst at the Rhodium group.
“China and France must continue to oppose the cold war mentality and the confrontation of blocs,” insisted the Chinese president, followed in unison by the official press. “Today, at a time when division and even confrontation are looming on the horizon, the value of the friendship between China and France is even greater,” added the nationalist daily. GlobalTimes, affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party. And to add: “it is clear to everyone that being a strategic vassal of Washington is a dead end. Making the Sino-French relationship a bridge for Sino-European cooperation is beneficial to both sides and to the world” .
Macron’s attitude to Beijing will not have failed to annoy Washington, at a time when Sino-American tensions are extremely high, the United States considering China as its main strategic threat. The joint declaration between Paris and Beijing, at the end of the visit, will not help matters: it mentions a “strategic global partnership” (with admittedly vague outlines) and the vision of a “multipolar world” – which Washington will not fail to interpret as a world not dominated by the United States.
“At a time when the United States and China are barely talking to each other, Europe can play an important role in sending important messages to Beijing, particularly on Ukraine, underlines analyst Noah Barkin. But it must do so from a position of unity and strength. This means sending common messages, using Europe’s economic influence effectively and not confusing flattery with results.” According to him, the concerns of the United States over European divisions on China policy will have only grown after this trip.