The government is preparing a labor law with two objectives in mind. The first is to resume language with the social partners and more particularly with the CFDT. It is absolutely necessary after the crises of social hysteria which have punctuated these last months. Even if the unions only count as members 6% of French employees, and even less in the private sector, it is necessary to discuss with an interlocutor. French trade unionism is not very representative; at the national level, but much less at the company level, postures often replace dialogue. We must make do.
The second objective of the government is to try to get out of the sequence of retirements by offering employees positive prospects, without denying themselves. In fact, the debate on pensions, in the rare moments when it was worthy, focused on health at work, professional wear and tear, the shortcomings of our continuing education system. France is not Liverpool in 1820, but if a law can make it possible to advance on these subjects, it is obviously commendable.
But beware: hell is paved with good intentions. It is said, for example, that the government might want to limit departure plans and collective contractual terminations for seniors. We understand the issue. 82% of 25-49 year olds have a job, and only 56% of 55-64 year olds. Companies do not work enough seniors, which is an obvious problem, especially when the legal age of retirement is delayed. By making it more difficult for the over-55s to leave, there is nevertheless a risk of discouraging companies from recruiting over-50s. In economics, putting up a barrier to exit is implicitly putting up a barrier to entry. No one wants to enter a room whose door double locks once inside.
Structurally increase wages
The most important article of this law could concern the sharing of the added value. Wages in France are relatively low for reasons that are documented. Labor productivity is falling, our initial training system does not meet the requirements of a developed economy, companies pay too many levies. These are the long-term determinants on which action should be taken to structurally increase wages.
There are also companies that make significant profits. They have a responsibility to the country. We can not say on the one hand, “we must work longer”, and on the other, not to increase wages. The gap in standard of living between those who work and those who do not work is, in France, too low, when it is not downright the opposite of what it should be! Everyone has been able to observe that there are cases where the combination of social minima, reductions in transport, housing aid, etc. results in access to work not being financially profitable. In this context, which is more inflationary, anything that can encourage companies that have the means to distribute more to their employees is in the direction of social justice and economic efficiency.
Bonuses and dividends, including in SMEs
It is in this sense that the transposition into law of the agreement on the sharing of value signed by the social partners last February, with the exception of the CGT, is perfectly appropriate. The agreement stipulates that, from 2025, SMEs with 11 to 49 employees will have to set up a profit-sharing or profit-sharing scheme when they have good long-term financial performance – only the largest companies are currently required to set up place these devices.
Concretely, the employees of SMEs will be able to benefit from bonuses, even dividends. Today, barely more than 5% of the employees of these companies have access to this type of mechanism. The implementation of this agreement will therefore be a real economic and social advance. After the caricatural sequence of pensions where the government was clumsy, even contemptuous, with the unions, and where the latter did not want to make the general interest prevail over the challenge, here is an opportunity for everyone to redeem themselves.