Leftist populist Sahra Wagenknecht is the most prominent critic of arms aid to Ukraine in Germany.
Wagenknecht’s assessment is so skillful that he is truly dangerous for Ukraine, says a researcher at the Foreign Policy Institute Minna Ålander.
As a luminous speaker, Wagenknecht has been a regular guest on many prime time programs in Germany. In those programs, he has constantly repeated Russia’s positions on the war.
Wagenknecht’s main argument is that giving weapons to Ukraine will prolong the war and thus the bloodshed in Ukraine.
– It sinks in really well among some Germans, who have pacifism in their backbone. It is difficult for them to understand how arms aid can help in ending the war, says Ålander.
Ålander, who speaks German fluently, was asked on a current affairs program in the summer to talk to Wagenknecht and refute his claims, but Ålander couldn’t make it.
Now Wagenknecht is also gaining political influence. The Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party he founded and bears his name won the election in the state elections in Saxony and Thuringia last weekend.
This is how Wagenknecht rejoiced at the success of his party:
The party, which was only founded in January, received more than 10 and more than 15 percent support. The election results are tough in Germany, where new parties rarely manage to even cross the vote threshold.
But who is Wagenknecht and how does he influence Germany’s Ukraine policy?
Populist through and through
In the early 2000s, Wagenknecht was one of the brightest stars and most respected intellectuals of the German left-wing party.
Wagenknecht, who grew up in East Germany, joined the successor to the GDR Communist Party in the 1990s.
Wagenknecht belonged to the extreme wing of the party, and his nature was a relaxed leftist. Wagenknecht, now 55, is known for his tight suit and bun.
The dispute with the left-wing party began during the migration crisis of 2015.
Wagenknecht, whose father is from Iran, called for tougher immigration policies at a time when public opinion was turning against accepting refugees.
As identity politics disputes gained more attention, Wagenknecht said that the left does not understand the problems of “ordinary people”.
Ålander describes Wagenknecht as a thoroughly populist politician.
– He is very good at reading currents of opinion in Germany and uses them to his own political advantage.
Finally, the relationship with the left-wing party was broken last fall due to disagreements about the war in Ukraine.
In this question too, Wagenknecht sensed that a part of the people, especially in East Germany, does not like supporting Ukraine.
– Wagenknecht is a real anti-system, i.e. a character who opposes the general system, Ålander summarizes.
The Ukraine issue is the most important
The program of the party founded by Wagenknecht in January is loose.
It includes some traditionally leftist promises, such as raising the minimum wage and taxing the rich. On the other hand, there is also a lot of talk about improving the competitiveness of companies and industry.
However, the core issue is opposition to sanctions against Russia and support for Ukraine, Ålander estimates.
Wagenknecht calls Russia sanctions madness, which is only a disadvantage for the Germans. The argument appeals because sanctions have increased energy prices in Germany.
Especially in eastern Germany, many are longing for cheap Russian energy. The region’s ties to Russia have been close.
Wagenknecht has been repeatedly accused of being a Putinist because he sympathizes with Russia’s positions. He himself denies that he is on Russia’s side, and he has also condemned the Russian attack.
However, Wagenknecht looks for the West and NATO to blame for the continuation of the war. In particular, he criticizes the United States, which is also effective in East Germany.
Ålander believes that Wagenknecht has already succeeded in influencing Germany’s Ukraine policy.
Wagenknecht has been confirmed by the Chancellor By Olaf Scholz the weight of the pacifist wing in the Democratic Party, Ålander estimates. Arms aid has been a difficult issue for the pacifist wing.
According to Ålander, this pressure from within the party has caused Scholz’s constant hesitation. At the same time, Scholz has spoken in favor of support for Ukraine and also put the brakes on it.
– Scholz has tried an absolutely impossible balancing act, and it has clearly failed.
The popularity of Scholz’s party and the entire government has been high in the Netherlands for a long time.
Political influence is growing
The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party also wants to get rid of Russian sanctions and arms aid to Ukraine.
AfD is significantly more popular than BSW, which enjoys national support of around 7-9 percent.
Wagenknecht may still have more political influence on the Ukraine issue.
His BSW party now has the position of kingmaker in forming the governments of the states of Saxony and Thuringia.
Since the other parties do not want to cooperate with the AfD, they will probably have to take BSW into the state governments.
Wagenknecht immediately said that he intends to demand concessions from the government partners on the parties’ Ukraine policy:
Ålander finds the situation worrying.
– If the other parties have to make terrible concessions at the state level, then it can be a back door through which Wagenknecht can also directly influence politics at the federal level.
Now Wagenknecht also has more political weight, which makes it harder to ignore him, the researcher says.
The consequences can be fatal. Germany is the second largest supporter of Ukraine, right after the United States. Germany’s role will become even more prominent if US support begins to decline.