The Prime Minister of Estonia, Kaja Kallas, was visiting Paris on Wednesday October 18 and was received by Emmanuel Macron at the Élysée. The opportunity to review current issues, particularly the situation in Israel and the Gaza Strip. A war which should not make us forget the one taking place in Europe, according to the head of the Estonian government.
RFI : Recently, Volodymyr Zelensky expressed concern about cracks in support for kyiv in its war against the Russian invasion. The Ukrainian president warned of a “ dangerous situation » for his country, the attention of the West turning to Israel…
Kaja Kallas: We are watching what is happening in the Middle East with great concern. What is happening there is certainly not in the interests of those who wanted to see Israel and the Arab world become closer, but it is certainly in the interests of all those who want to see more division and fragmentation. and also more chaos around us. It is therefore certain that Vladimir Putin is also benefiting from this crisis. We absolutely must continue to support Ukraine, because this war is taking place on our territory and we must surprise Vladimir Putin by showing him that we will not give up and that we will continue to support Ukraine for as long as it takes.
Another source of concern: the question of the sustainability of American support, with the presidential election next year. In the event of a reduction in American support – both financial and military – what role do you think Europe should play?
The United States has played a leading role in helping Ukraine, and President Biden has done much in this regard. I have had contact with different members of the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, and I see that there is strong support for Ukraine. President Zelensky said it himself: he does not fear that US support will disappear. But what we need to think about, of course, and this is in addition to the aid that the United States is providing, is what more can we do for our defense and to increase our defense production and capabilities? , in order to be able to supply Ukraine with military equipment, but also to replenish our own stocks.
In the spring, the European Union (EU) approved your plan to send Ukraine one million artillery rounds over the course of a year to help the country counter invading Russian forces. Where is the implementation of this plan?
We have gone far enough, but not yet far enough, so I would like it to go faster. Estonia has already made its contribution, but there is still a long way to go before all the promises can be kept. The situation is evolving, we are gaining momentum, but it is still much too slow.
Do you think Western countries are doing enough to help Ukraine?
We are all doing a lot to help Ukraine. But what we need to do is really boost our defense industry so that it can manufacture and produce more. We know that the Russian military industry is operating at full capacity. We must do the same at European level.
Estonia’s defense budget will exceed 3% of GDP for the first time next year. Why this decision? Does Estonia feel a sense of urgency in the face of the Russian threat?
We have spent more than 2% of our GDP on Defense over the last ten years already, because we know that without security, we have neither freedom nor anything else. Today we are increasing the Defense budget by more than 3% because the security situation is different, and I think other European leaders should also take this into account. In 1988, all NATO members spent 2% of their GDP on Defense. For what ? Because it was the Cold War and the threat was real. Today, a large-scale conventional war is taking place in Europe and not everyone has yet realized that the threat is real.
The question of Ukraine’s membership in the EU is becoming more and more pressing. Some countries are calling for governance reforms before any enlargement. Before the end of the year, the EU will decide on the status of Ukraine. Which decision seems most appropriate to you?
I think we should start the negotiation process if Ukraine meets the criteria that have been imposed on it. I believe there were seven criteria that they had to meet and if they are met, then we should start negotiations. And I think this must also apply to some countries in the Western Balkans which also tick the boxes, if I may say so. We should keep our promises.
I am very favorable to enlargement, because it is an important tool for convergence. I’ll give you an example: in 2000, four years before our accession to the European Union, our GDP per capita was equivalent to 36% of the European average. It was 48% in 2004, and now it stands at 87%. When an accession process is underway, candidate countries make reforms and converge towards European standards. It is in our interest to lift these countries up, to ensure that Europe is stronger than other regions. It is also in our interest for these countries to reform their rule of law and get rid of corruption.
Does this enlargement process require reforms on our part? I think we should focus on the goals, and then see if we need reforms. But I don’t think it’s the right approach to say to a country like Ukraine, once it has ticked all the boxes, that it has fulfilled all the conditions on its side: let’s wait, because we think that we are not ready. We should keep our promises when the candidate countries fulfill theirs.
Estonia has a fairly large Russian-speaking minority with ties to Russia. Is this a problem for your country?
First of all, I must say that in 1922, when we were independent, the Russian minority was 3%. During the occupation [soviétique, ndlr], Estonians were deported to Siberia and Russians arrived. So at the end of the occupation they were 30%, and now the Russians are about 25%. This is not a homogeneous group. Thus, the majority of Russian-speaking Estonians consider Estonia their home and feel emotionally connected to Estonia. They understand very well what the word “liberation” means in its Russian conception, as, for example, the inhabitants of Kharkiv, in eastern Ukraine, may have felt. There are, of course, people who think differently, but it is not the vast majority. So the way we approach this is to say that we may have different pasts, but we have a common future. So let’s focus on our common future.