On Sam Whitefield is a vision. He wants a Jewish Israel. There’s nothing new about that goal, but what’s new is that Whitefield, 25, is part of a large majority of young Jews who share this view and espouse right-wing values.
Young Israelis are driven to the right wing by a feeling of insecurity. In their opinion, insecurity is created by the Palestinians. The starting point for young people’s attitudes is therefore a 75-year conflict.
There has been violence between Israel and the Palestinians throughout Israel’s existence – many remember, for example, the bloody years of the second intifada in 2000-2005. However, the young generation believes peace brought by two states (you switch to another service) less than their parents and grandparents. What is really happening in Israel?
Young people vote for the right
The fifth parliamentary election in four years was held in Israel last November. The third largest grouping in the parliament was the Electoral Alliance called Konkonnollinen zionismi, characterized as ultra-nationalist.
The issues on its agenda are at the heart of the long conflict. The union opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. And it promotes the cause of the West Bank settlements, which are considered illegal. Leaders of the Electoral Union, the Minister of Security Itamar Ben-Gvir and the Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrichia have even been characterized as representatives of Jewish supremacy.
With the help of the Electoral Union and two old parties, a centre-right prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu managed to return to power. At the same time, he created the most extreme nationalist government in Israel’s history.
In Israel, the right-wing parties profile themselves especially with a more robust security policy and more nationalistic values than the left.
Interestingly, right-wing parties enjoy the most support among young people. More than 70 percent of Israelis between the ages of 18 and 34 say they identify with the right wing of politics. The matter will be clarified by the Israel Democracy Institute from research (you switch to another service).
In Israel, the right-wing is traditionally supported by those with religious convictions, and their share of the population is growing faster than the secular ones. However, that alone does not explain why the right has become such a strong force in Israel.
Politicians like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have distinguished themselves with their promises to improve security and eradicate terrorism. That is the main reason why the electoral alliance also got a vote from Whitefield.
According to Whitefield, people have woken up from the “delusions” and hopes associated with a two-state model of peace and Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005.
The two-state model is a vision supported by the international community, according to which an independent Palestinian state would be established in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
– Left-wing politics has failed and does not work in practice, says Whitefield confidently.
The thought of peace further and further away
Whitefield is not alone in his thoughts. Many Israelis have lost faith that the solution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians can be found in the two-state model, researcher Noah Shusterman About the Institute for National Security Studies think tank.
There are frequent clashes between Hamas, which runs Gaza, and the Israeli armed forces. In May 2021, the situation escalated, and violent riots broke out between Jews and Arabs also inside Israeli cities.
– Ben-Gvir and Smotrich rose thanks to these riots. Many Israelis were used to the prevailing situation, but with the riots the idea arose that one must also fear one’s own neighbors, says Shusterman.
The goal of the two states is practically further and further away, among other things, because Israel’s illegal settlements in the West Bank are constantly expanding.
Whitefield, a young right-wing activist, lives with his wife in the Eli settlement and works part-time in the settlement benefit organization Regavim. In his vision, there is no basis for a Palestinian state in the West Bank, although, according to his words, he is not against the presence of Palestinians in the region.
– We have a historical right to be here, Whitefield argues, speaking of the Jews.
– There has never been a Palestinian state here, and I think there is no legal or moral basis for such.
In opinion polls, it is precisely those who live on the West Bank who are most concerned about their safety. According to Whitefield, Palestinians often throw stones at residents of El driving their cars.
In opinion polls, it is precisely those who live on the West Bank who are most concerned about their safety. According to Whitefield, Palestinians often throw stones at residents of El driving their cars.
Israel has been accused of human rights violations against Palestinians in the West Bank. For example, Israel severely restricts the movement of Palestinians both in and out of the West Bank.
Many Israelis living in the settlements are also guilty of violence. For example, in February, a group of settlers attacked the village of Huwara, burning residential houses and cars. At least one hundred Palestinians were injured and one died in the riot.
In Whitefield’s opinion, the violence of the settlers is not comparable to the attacks of the Palestinians.
– The attack on Huwara stemmed from frustration that the government does not provide enough security for the settlers. Our Jewish brothers and sisters are being killed here, says Whitefield.
The young man makes a sharp distinction between Israeli and Palestinian acts of violence:
– The violence of the Palestinians is about the fact that they want to kick us out of here and wipe out the Jewish state. Their movement is negative, while Zionism is a positive movement.
Israel is fighting for its identity
Israel is currently very troubled. Hundreds of thousands have demonstrated against the government for weeks.
Netanyahu’s right-wing government has pushed through reforms that would increase the power of politicians in the country’s judiciary. Those participating in the large-scale demonstrations fear that the government could, with the reform, push through laws that trample on the rights of minorities and women.
Whitefield, a resident of the colony, sees big things behind the unrest.
– Israel is fighting for its identity. There are those who do not want a Jewish state and those who want to preserve Israel’s character as a Jewish state, says Whitefield.
He says that Israel fought for a very long time for its existence.
– The time has finally come to think about what kind of country Israel should be.
Whitefield does not subscribe to the protesters’ claims that Israel is slipping into a dictatorship. He says he supports religious freedom and doesn’t think the state should interfere with how people live their lives.
– Israel is a Jewish state. For example, public holidays should follow the Jewish calendar and the Sabbath should be relaxed as a day of rest at the state level. But if, for example, a private company wants to provide public transportation on the Sabbath, I don’t have a problem with that.
– Everyone should be able to live the way they want.
Whitefield considers speeches about Jewish supremacy to be anti-Semitic, i.e. anti-Jewish.
– There is no Jewish supremacy here. The term is borrowed from the United States, where there is a debate about white supremacy, says Whitefield.
Whitefield believes that Israel is now moving in the right direction.
– When the legal system reform is finished, we can focus on other important matters.
According to researcher Noa Shusterman, it is impossible to say what kind of effects the reform of the legal system would have if it finally goes through.
– The good thing about the reform has been that it has really started a public discussion about what democracy means and what role extreme nationalist politicians like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have in it, says Shusterman.
Researcher Or Adan of the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI) has also been interviewed for the story.
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